this post was submitted on 24 Apr 2026
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The only real resource on democracy you provided is the Roland Boer book, which looks interesting, and which I got a copy of and intend to read. However, a committee-based democracy with a ban on antagonistic propaganda does not sound promising.
See, this is the problem again. The form of socialist society that exists in Korea is one that was formed through direct practice and based on Korea's existing situation. It's what works for them, regardless of whether or not you approve of the "model." You're saying it isn't "promising," more gesturing to potentials of misconduct that you percieve based on your own comparison to the ideal, perfect, impossible version of socialism that exists purely in imagination.
The problem rests on your belief that you know better than the millions of people in the DPRK over the last century how to run their country, without doing the study to see how and why their structures were formed. For example, the Democratic Front is an integral part to their socialist democracy, and this has heritage in liberation from colonialism by Japan. The various councils and committees have heritage in the culture formed in Korea and were solidified into a state.
Then, you go and strawman people and misrepresent them. Though you maintain a polite tone, your actual actions speak against that, and thus you aren't acting in a comradely way like you first seemed to be. It's frustrating.
That's only true if you assume the government is actually a representation of the will of the people of the DPRK. How am I supposed to know whether that's true other than evaluating the quality of their democratic system?
What actions have I taken that are upsetting?
The government does not exist outside of class society, but within it. The classes in power in the DPRK are the working classes, there is extremely minimal private property and that private property is largely foreign owned. The structures in place were put there by the organized working classes. When you erase class analysis, or diverge from it by inventing new classes that don't actually fit how we understand class, you run into problems.
As for actions you've taken that are upsetting, I already explained in earlier comments the regular strawmanning and misframing you've done of my position, and the positions of others.
Whether this is true is really what I'm trying to determine, and currently skeptical of. I guess it may be difficult to prove or disprove. It sounds like you think the class identity of the administration is enough to say so, but I could be wrong. I don't see that as sufficient.
I may have misrepresented your or others' perspectives, but if so it was not intentional.
I've explained class and how there isn't some separate class in the DPRK. The landlords were appropriated from, same as the bourgeoisie. The working classes control the state, and have the same class interests as the people outside of the state apparatus. So far your only point against it is an unsupported "potential," which is the same metaphysical error made by Bordiga and the "Left" communists.
Do you mean (1) that the collective will of the working class directs the behavior of the state, or (2) that managers of the state are members of the working class?
Both. The state is controlled by the working classes, and the administrators themselves are the same class. The DPRK has a form of consultative democracy outlined in the book I showed you.
I will postpone further judgement until having read it