cross-posted from: https://lemmy.world/post/37597470

SponsorBlock, Timestamps, and Generated Summary below:

SponsorBlock Timestamp:

1. 1:16:11.000 - 1:16:29.954 Endcards/Credits

Video Description:

How should the security needs of great powers be balanced with the sovereignty of smaller nations on their border? The concept of Spheres of Security limits the activity of other borders of other great powers. Mexico has the freedom to engage in political and economic cooperation with any state, yet Mexico does not have the freedom to host Russian missiles or Chinese military bases. This is common sense and must be applied to all great powers, yet how feasible is such an agreement between the great powers?

John J. Mearsheimer is the R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, where he has taught since 1982. Jeffrey D. Sachs is a world-renowned economics professor, bestselling author, innovative educator, and global leader in sustainable development.

Generated Summary:

Spheres of Security to Prevent World War III: A Discussion with Jeffrey Sachs & John Mearsheimer

This video features a discussion between Professor John Mearsheimer and Professor Jeffrey Sachs, moderated by Glenn, on the concept of "Spheres of Security" as a potential solution to balance the security needs of great powers with the sovereignty of smaller nations, aiming to prevent conflicts that could escalate to World War III.

Key Points & Arguments:

• The Problem: The discussion begins with the challenge of balancing the security needs of great powers with the sovereignty of smaller nations, particularly those bordering great powers. Inviting another great power for protection can turn vulnerable states into existential threats, leading to fierce responses and potential war.
• Jeffrey Sachs' Perspective:
  • Sachs proposes the idea of a "sphere of security" as an improvement over the traditional "sphere of influence."
  • He emphasizes the importance of great powers staying out of each other's "lanes" or "neighborhoods" to avoid direct confrontation.
  • Sachs draws on Mearsheimer's work, particularly "The Tragedy of Great Power Politics," to highlight the inherent dangers of great power competition.
  • He stresses the nuclear age as a critical factor, arguing that any conflict between major powers could escalate to mutual annihilation.
  • Sachs advocates for a "golden rule" approach, suggesting that the U.S. should respect the security concerns of Russia and China in their respective regions, similar to how the U.S. views its own neighborhood (Monroe Doctrine).
  • He differentiates between "sphere of security" and "sphere of influence," arguing against interference in the internal affairs or government selection of smaller countries within a security sphere, advocating instead for non-interference in military terms.
  • He references historical examples such as Franklin Roosevelt's "Good Neighbor Policy" and the "Confucian Peace" to illustrate periods where dominant powers exercised self-restraint for long-term stability.
  • Sachs clarifies that a sphere of security is not an economic exclusive zone, allowing for trade, investment, and normal relations, but excluding military presence and threat points.
• John Mearsheimer's Critique:
  • Mearsheimer acknowledges the importance of avoiding great power war and agrees with Sachs on many issues, including the catastrophic mistake of expanding NATO into Ukraine.
  • He credits Sachs with inventing the concept of "spheres of security."
  • Mearsheimer defines spheres of influence as geographical regions that great powers dominate, excluding other great powers and managing the politics of smaller states within the region.
  • He characterizes Sachs' "spheres of security" as aiming for mutual recognition of non-interference, reducing incentives for great powers to meddle in the politics of minor powers.
  • Mearsheimer argues that Sachs is attempting to move away from a zero-sum world (where one state's gain is another's loss) towards an indivisibility of security (where one state cannot enhance its security at the expense of another).
  • Three Main Problems with Sachs' Concept:
    1. Difficulty in Defining Spheres: Mearsheimer argues that it's often difficult to define the geographical boundaries of a sphere, citing East Asia and Central/Western Europe as examples.
    2. Security Competition Outside Spheres: He questions whether security competition outside the defined spheres will inevitably bleed into those spheres, leading to interference and a return to spheres of influence.
    3. Uncertainty and Dynamic Change: Mearsheimer believes it's hard to maintain mutual security guarantees due to the uncertainty and constant change in international politics. He suggests that great powers will always seek opportunities to gain an advantage, potentially leading to interference in each other's spheres.
• Overall Aim: The discussion aims to explore whether the concept of spheres of security can offer a viable framework for managing great power relations and preventing conflicts in a multipolar world, particularly in the context of nuclear weapons.

About Channel:

Glenn Diesen is a professor at the University of South-Eastern Norway (USN), and Associate Editor at Russia in Global Affairs. Diesen's research focus is geoeconomics, conservatism, Russian foreign policy & Greater Eurasia.

Professor Diesen is an academic, author, editor, and political commentator. His research focus is primarily on Russian foreign policy and the geoeconomics of Greater Eurasia and the emerging strategic partnership between Russia and China. Diesen’s latest books are Russophobia: Propaganda in International Politics (2022), Europe as the Western Peninsula of Greater Eurasia: Geoeconomic Regions in a Multipolar World (2021); Russian Conservatism: Managing Change under Permanent Revolution (2021); Great Power Politics in the Fourth Industrial Rivalry: The Geoeconomics of Technological Sovereignty (2021); The Return of Eurasia (2021); Russia in a Changing World (2020); The Decay of Western Civilisation and Resurgence of Russia: Between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (2018); Russia’s Geoeconomic Strategy for a Greater Eurasia (2017); and EU and NATO relations with Russia: After the collapse of the Soviet Union (2015).