Progressive Politics

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Welcome to Progressive Politics! A place for news updates and political discussion from a left perspective. Conservatives and centrists are welcome just try and keep it civil :)

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Border agents forced the 19-year-old, who cannot read, to sign a transcript of his arrest he says was false.

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Israel has completely wiped out Rafah, turning a fifth of Gaza's territory into a giant buffer zone. This is part of Israel's plan to permanently remain in Gaza and facilitate the ethnic cleansing of its people.

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Donald Trump is making it pretty clear he plans to say in power forever.

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As of April 23, over 270 colleges and universities have identified 1,730-plus international students and recent graduates who have had their legal status changed by the State Department.

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President Donald Trump has a long history of treating women like property.

From 1996 to 2015, he was the owner of the Miss Universe Organization. Many of the contestants complained about his inappropriate behavior towards them, such as entering the dressing rooms while they were naked. Tasha Dixon (Miss Arizona 2001) reported, “He just came strolling right in. … Some girls were topless. Other girls were naked.” Many of them were teenagers. In an interview with Howard Stern, Trump defended this behavior saying, “I’m allowed to go in because I’m the owner of the pageant.”

Since the 1970’s, no fewer than 26 women have accused Donald Trump of sexual misconduct, ranging from harassment to sexual assault and rape. In a conversation with television host Billy Bush in 2005, Trump infamously stated that his celebrity status entitled him to do anything he wants to women without consent: “I just start kissing them,” he said, “I don’t even wait. And when you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. … Grab ’em by the pussy. You can do anything.” He was subsequently convicted of sexual assault against E. Jean Carroll and directed to pay over $86 million in damages for assault and defamation.

Now, as Trump enters his second term in office, his rapaciousness seems to have found a new outlet of expression on the global stage. In an interview with Fox News, he stated that Ukraine should not have fought back against Russia when they invaded because Russia was “much bigger, much more powerful.” The following month, in a White House press conference with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Trump said that Ukraine “never should have started it”—as if they were somehow responsible for having caused themselves to be invaded.

Feminist writers have long argued that there is an intrinsic relationship between patriarchy, rape and colonialism. The seizure of land by force is comparable to the seizure of a woman’s body—and historically rape and war have often gone hand-in-hand.

In order to get a better understanding of how Trump’s attitudes towards women might be related to his foreign policy, I reached out to Dr. Judith Herman, a world-renowned expert in trauma studies. Herman is a professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, director of training at the Victims of Violence Program at Cambridge Hospital (Massachusetts), and a lifelong feminist activist. Her pathbreaking 1992 book Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence from Domestic Abuse to Political Terror has been described as “almost singularly responsible for the legitimization of rape trauma in the psychiatric field.”

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Customs and Border Protection has broad authority to search travelers’ devices when they cross into the United States. Here’s what you can do to protect your digital life while at the US border.

Archive

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In this episode of 1Dime Radio, Tony of 1Dime is joined by JT Chapman, the creator behind ⁨‪@SecondThought‬ the largest socialist YouTube channel at the moment, and The Deprogram Podcast (@thedeprogram9999 ). JT and I discuss the experiences and challenges in producing independent media, the importance of optics, and what Socialism in America could look like.

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Christopher D. Cook Apr 17, 2025 Common Dreams

"If the emergent movements can find ways to solidify, coalesce, and build power, they should do it outside of the #DemocraticParty, even while allying with it. Why? Because the #Democratic establishment, while vastly better than #Trump and #MAGA #Republicans for humans and the planet, are profoundly compromised and show no signs of transcending their decades-long immersion in corporate #neoliberalism."

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Donald Trump’s tariffs have unleashed a “major negative shock” into the world economy, the International Monetary Fund has said, as it cut its forecasts for US, UK and global growth.

In a stark assessment of the impact of the US president’s policies, as global finance ministers prepare to meet in Washington, the IMF said: “We expect that the sharp increase on 2 April in both tariffs and uncertainty will lead to a significant slowdown in global growth in the near term.”

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One of the thorniest issues that has arisen in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs—which, in overturning Roe v. Wade, devolved legal authority over abortion to the states—is whether restrictive states can prevent or deter their residents from obtaining abortion care in a state where it is legal.

Myron H. Thompson, a United States district court judge in Alabama, unequivocally ruled last month that restricting cross-border abortion travel is patently unconstitutional, in an opinion that powerfully and eloquently conveys the interconnected harms to patients and those who support them to access care.

Thompson’s opinion cuts through the noise to lay bare the catastrophic impact of abortion bans and the adjacent attempts to restrict access to legal out-of-state care.

Although the decision is of limited jurisdictional reach and subject to a possible appeal, it is clear that Thompson understands what’s at stake for abortion seekers who live in ban states, particularly if from a historically marginalized community.

Before turning to the decision, some background about the underlying case:

In May of 2019, after signing the state’s Human Life Protection Act into law, Gov. Kay Ivey issued a statement proclaiming that “this legislation stands as a powerful testament to Alabamians’ deeply held belief that every life is precious and that every life is a sacred gift from God.” To safeguard these ‘sacred gifts,’ the law banned abortion subject to very narrow exceptions and subject those found guilty of violating it of a prison sentence of not less than ten years up through a possible life sentence.

Although the law was initially enjoined from going into effect in the immediate aftermath of Dobbs, the injunction was dissolved—thus allowing one of the strictest criminal abortion laws in the country to take effect.

Not content with a criminal ban on abortion within the geographical boundaries of the state, in an online radio interview, Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall threatened to bring criminal charges against those who assisted pregnant people who were seeking access to a legal cross-border abortion.

In response to his threats, three reproductive healthcare providers—Dr. Yashica Robinson, West Alabama Women’s Center and Alabama Women’s Center—and Yellowhammer Fund, “an abortion advocacy and reproductive justice organization” (plaintiffs), brought suit against Marshall.

In a press release, the ACLU conveyed the urgent necessity of stopping Marshall from making good on his threat in the absence of which:

“… pregnant people will struggle to find out-of-state care, and the financial and logistical support they need to obtain such care. … Many will be significantly delayed in accessing the abortion care they need, and some may even be forced to give birth against their will. This could have deadly consequences for Alabamians, who are residing in a state that has the third highest maternal mortality rate in the nation, and particularly for Black women, who make up a disproportionate share of maternal deaths due to systemic racism.”

As Thompson astutely understood in his opinion, without the assistance of the plaintiffs, their clients will face significant, and potentially insurmountable, barriers to arranging legal out-of-state abortions,” particularly those who are living in poverty, have limited formal education and are without “reliable internet access and/or are not technologically savvy.”

Thompson further recognized that Marshall’s threats of prosecution disrupted the essential relationship of trust between the plaintiffs and their clients which creates “ethical obligations to provide care and recommendations appropriate for each patient’s unique circumstances.” Rooted in this ethic of care, he credited plaintiffs’ fear that they “may be exacerbating the confusion and distress that people who come to us for help are already experiencing, and contributing to potentially dangerous delays in patients accessing healthcare, putting their health and safety at risk.”

Building outwards from these identified injuries, Thompson turned to an assessment of the constitutional interests at stake in the case. In a powerful repudiation of Marshall’s effort to extend the reach of Alabama’s criminal abortion ban beyond the state’s geographical boundaries, he ruled that Marshall violated the constitutionally protected right to interstate travel—a claim the plaintiffs asserted on behalf of their clients on account of the formidable obstacles they would have faced in asserting their rights, including Alabama’s “well-established climate of stigma, harassment and violence relating to abortion”—and the right to free speech.

Grounded in the recognition that the “right to interstate travel is one of our most fundamental constitutional rights….[and] has consistently been protected precisely so that people would be free to engage in lawful conduct while traveling,” Thompson was unequivocal that “while it is one thing for Alabama to outlaw by statute what happens in its own backyard,” it has no criminal jurisdiction beyond its borders. Accordingly, it cannot punish residents and those who assist them to access out-of-state legal abortion care. In short, the protected right to travel “includes both the right to move physically between two States and to do what is legal in the destination State”—otherwise, “our freedom of action is tied to our place of origin [and] the ‘right to travel’ becomes a hollow shell.”

Turning to the right of free speech, Thompson’s reasoning reinforces the perniciousness of Marshall’s effort to extend the reach of Alabama’s criminal abortion ban by inserting himself into the relationship of trust between plaintiffs and their clients through threatened prosecutions. As he writes, this “imposes a content- and viewpoint-based restriction on speech. It restricts information and discussion about a specific subject—abortion—to forbid encouraging a specific viewpoint–access to a legal out-of-state abortion.”

Of vital importance, particularly given the economic status of those served by the plaintiffs, Thompson also ruled apropos to Yellowhammer Fund that “the act of providing funds for women to travel out-of-state to obtain a legal abortion” is “expressive conduct,” which is protected by the first amendment. Notably, as an expressive act, the funding commitment communicates the Yellowhammer’s core founding belief that “reproductive healthcare should be accessible to all”—a viewpoint that was unconstitutionally suppressed as a direct result of Marshall’s threats.

Judge Thompson’s opinion stands as a powerful rebuke to states which seek to enforce their antiabortion “values and laws” beyond their own borders. The impact of abortion support bans, as attempted here by way of threatened prosecutions, will fall most heavily on marginalized and vulnerable populations who face the greatest barriers in accessing out-of-state care, including teens who have been singled out for these kinds of restrictive measures by a growing number of states. Clearly, the criminalization of abortion support is aimed at pressuring pregnant people in ban states to bear children by way of legal fiat by isolating them from essential sources of information and material support, and should not be tolerated as a legitimate expression of a state’s authority over its residents.

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Since the fall of the USSR, a large part of developing world elites, middle classes, and intellectuals have been effectively transformed into ideological parrots of US liberal propaganda through USAID-funded NGOs, educational and media projects.

In the absence of any competing political or intellectual framework, support for US economic doctrine and political liberalism has remained unchallenged.

Yet USAID's emphasis over the last three decades on white American liberal ideas about multiculturalism, gender and sexual rights is now anathema to American conservatives.

This, more than anything, has prompted the administration to discard the agency altogether.

For Trump, there is no need to continue indoctrinating developing world elites and middle classes in capitalism and anti-welfare policies - they already believe in them, especially if objectionable liberal American ideas must accompany such indoctrination.

The US, he realises, can now solely rely on hard power to impose its will, sparing itself the cost of investing in "soft power".

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Sass is a popular open-source CSS framework for building websites. It is commonly used in some of the most popular open source projects, like Next.js. It is one of the few open source projects that when developers navigate their website for docs or whatever, they see a banner at the top of the page that says "Free Palestine." It is a shame that more software projects are too scared to show their support for Palestine, or that are actually opposed to Palestine's existence.

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Bluma Altmed, a Polish Jew disguised as a Gentile outside the ghetto, recalled a conversation with a Catholic woman who was upset with Jewish resistance fighters for disturbing her sleep: “I have a constant headache because I can’t sleep in such conditions. All night long, I hear machine guns. . . . The explosions and shootings never end. What are those Yids thinking, anyway? They have to die, one way or the other. The least they could do is to give up.”

s Israel continues its onslaught on Gaza, indiscriminately killing men, women, and children, many are appalled by the indifference or support from Israeli society. An October 2024 poll shows that the majority of Israeli Jews either think the war in Gaza should continue or feel indifferent.

Among those who think the war should end, only 6 percent cite “great cost in human life” as the primary motivator; instead, the majority are concerned with the twenty-four remaining Israeli hostages in Gaza. Furthermore, despite ample documentation of war crimes and the International Criminal Court’s issuing of a warrant for the arrest of Israel’s top leaders, 83 percent of Israeli Jews believe the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has conducted itself with “good or excellent ethical conduct during the war.”

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Massive Blue is helping cops deploy AI-powered social media bots to talk to people they suspect are anything from violent sex criminals all the way to vaguely defined “protesters.”

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Prejudice and anti-science ideology destroyed the world’s leading math department. It couldn’t happen here, could it?

In 1934, David Hilbert, by then a grand old man of German mathematics, was dining with Bernhard Rust, the Nazi minister of education. Rust asked, “How is mathematics at Göttingen, now that it is free from the Jewish influence?” Hilbert replied, “There is no mathematics in Göttingen anymore.”

“There is no mathematics in Göttingen anymore”: the German math giant David Hilbert.

Visual: Shelby White and Leon Levy Archives Center, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ, USA.

Or so the story goes. It is folklore at this point, a story mathematicians tell one another over coffee while exchanging knowing looks. The details vary in different retellings, but every version has Hilbert speaking this truth to power: Nazis destroyed mathematics at the University of Göttingen. “It’s one of the most well-known stories in the history of science,” says Reinhard Siegmund-Schultze, a math historian at the University of Agder in Norway. “Göttingen was so dominant in mathematics internationally.”

In 1933, that dominance came crashing down. On April 7, two months after Hitler became chancellor, Germany passed a law making it illegal for Jews — or rather those considered Jewish by the Nazis — and Communists to hold civil service jobs, with a few exceptions including for people who had served Germany in World War I. That immediately forced several Göttingen mathematicians from their jobs. The crisis snowballed, and over the course of the year, a total of 18 left or were driven out.

By the time of Hilbert’s legendary dinner with Rust, Germany had lost its status as the world’s foremost country for mathematical research. America took its place — and today, though globalization has spread the wealth, the U.S. has retained its eminence. From Princeton and Columbia to Berkeley and Stanford, it’s hard to find a great math department in the United States that was not shaped in part by European mathematicians who came to or stayed in the U.S. because of the Nazis.

As a new administration with a pronounced anti-science bent takes power in the United States, some scholars are recalling what happened at Göttingen as a cautionary tale. Donald Trump is not Hitler, of course, and “history doesn’t repeat,” as Siegmund-Schultze puts it. Still, he quickly adds, “One also knows from pain that mankind doesn’t really learn from history. Otherwise we wouldn’t do all the same foolish things all the time.”

American democracy is far stronger and longer-lived than was Germany’s between the wars. But we should take the similarities seriously. “I think what you see in both cases is this disaffection of the lower middle class,” says Julia Ault, an expert on German history at the University of Utah. “Part of their status rests on being better than someone else.” Lower-middle-class Germans in 1930 might have felt a loss of status if they perceived Jews to be advancing more quickly than they were. Ault sees a parallel to what some white people in rural America feel: They perceive immigrants as coming in and rising more quickly than they are.

Rather than a drastic Nazi-style crackdown on free speech, what is alarming many scholars today is the idea of a post-truth world, in which evidence doesn’t matter if a story reinforces your beliefs.

“In some sense every scholar is at risk,” says Robbert Dijkgraaf, the current director of the Institute for Advanced Study, which attracted many of the scientists and mathematicians who fled Göttingen and other German universities in the 1930s. “It’s not so much that people are persecuted because of their beliefs, but there is a certain trend where careful reasoning, the search for truth, all the delicacies of having a balanced point of view, acting on facts, being honest about what you do and don’t know, your uncertainty, all these values we have in science and scholarship are at risk.”

The dismissal of experts and the appeals to populism are dangerous, says Ault. “It’s going to be hugely devastating to the EPA, to climate science.” Trump, who has called climate change a Chinese hoax, has asked for the names of scientists who study global warming. His transition team backpedaled on the request, but it was unsettling for employees of the Department of Energy. More recently, it was reported that his administration issued a temporary ban on external communication from the EPA and blocked the agency from awarding new grants or contracts. “It’s going to take most of our lifetimes to redo what’s going to get undone in the next four years,” Ault says. And for that reason, the political cataclysm that upended the mathematical world in the 1930s is no mere historical curiosity.

Left, Hermann Weyl, Hilbert’s successor at Göttingen and one of the German émigrés who helped build the Institute for Advanced Study. Visual: Shelby White and Leon Levy Archives Center, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ, USA.

Right, Abraham Flexner, a founder and guiding spirit of the institute. Visual: Shelby White and Leon Levy Archives Center, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ, USA.

Carl Friedrich Gauss, one of the greatest mathematicians of all time, helped establish Göttingen’s prominence in the early to mid-19th century. The tradition was continued by a legion of people whose names are sprinkled throughout calculus and physics textbooks today: Riemann, Dirichlet, Schwarz, Klein, Minkowski, Landau, Noether, and Hilbert, who had to a large extent set the mathematical research agenda of the 20th century with his 1900 list of 23 unsolved problems he thought mathematicians should devote themselves to in the new century. Richard Courant, who was part of the 1933 flood of mathematicians leaving Göttingen and for whom a New York University institute of mathematical sciences is now named, helped secure funding from the Rockefeller Foundation for a new building to house the mathematics institute at Göttingen. It opened in 1929, and for the next few years, mathematics in Göttingen continued to thrive.

Providentially, the institution that would in many ways take Göttingen’s place — as a home not just for world-class mathematicians but for German Jewish ones — was being born at just that moment, in Princeton, New Jersey.

The Institute for Advanced Study, known to mathematicians and scientists simply as “the institute,” was founded in 1930 by the Bamberger family, who had sold their department store to Macy’s shortly before the stock market crash in 1929 and had thus managed to prosper through the Great Depression. At the time, many American institutions of higher education were anti-Semitic, and the Bambergers’ initial vision was to create a medical school that did not discriminate against Jews. Instead, Abraham Flexner, who had studied and written about medical and higher education, convinced them that an institute dedicated to basic research in mathematics and science was more important. He ended up joining them as a founder.

The institute opened in 1933 and was housed in Princeton University’s Fine Hall, home of its mathematics department, until the institute’s own facilities opened in 1939. (This has led to decades of confusion about the institute’s relationship with Princeton. They are in the same town, but they have no formal affiliation.) The timing could not have been better for the German Jews whose jobs at home had been abolished. Flexner and the trustees decided, with the help of the Rockefeller Foundation, to create positions for exiled researchers at the institute.

It wasn’t an easy sell. American anti-Semitism was not the only issue; unemployment was high, and some believed that “every foreign scholar imported means an American out of a job,” as the MIT mathematics professor Norbert Wiener described it. He feared that “any appointment for more than a year would cause a feeling of resentment that would wreck our hopes of doing anything whatsoever.” Dijkgraaf, the IAS’s current director, says the institute had to walk a fine line. “All these efforts had to be done in a very subtle way,” he says. For one, each grant was fairly modest. But by getting a position at the institute, even a temporary one, a researcher “could at least get a visa and would have a foothold” as they worked to find jobs elsewhere in the U.S., says Dijkgraaf. “There was this joke that the institute was a little bit like an Ellis Island for these scholars at risk.”

In a 1939 report to the Institute for Advanced Study trustees, Flexner wrote, “Fifty years from now the historian looking backward will, if we act with courage and imagination, report that during our time the center of gravity in scholarship moved across the Atlantic to the United States.” And he was right. “In the end America profited hugely,” says Siegmund-Schultze, who adds that “many of these developments would have happened anyway even without the Nazis.” After all, America had more resources, the population was growing, and the nation was starting to replace private financing for the fundamental sciences with public financing — a large part of the reason the U.S. was able to retain its mathematical and scientific dominance after World War II. Nevertheless, America’s willingness to take in scholars fleeing the Nazis provided a boost to its rising scientific establishment and caused the balance of power to shift almost overnight.

“We now think of it as a given that the United States is a center of research and scholarship,” Dijkgraaf says. “It wasn’t at all in the 1930s. It was this brave act and this generosity that allowed this to happen.”

Albert Einstein is the most famous émigré scientist who ended up at the institute as a result of that generosity. Other luminaries included John von Neumann, a Hungarian mathematician, computer scientist, and physicist who worked on the Manhattan Project; Hermann Weyl, who had been Hilbert’s successor at Göttingen; and Kurt Gödel, who changed the way mathematicians think about certainty.

As that star-studded list suggests, taking in these refugees was not simply an act of generosity. Oswald Veblen, who had been influential in getting the institute to Princeton in the first place and had become one of the first scholars at the institute, “had a very clear vision that this was a win-win situation,” says Dijkgraaf. “He could help the refugees, but it was also a unique opportunity to strengthen mathematics in the United States.”

John von Neumann, who worked at Göttingen in the 1920s, became a pillar of the Institute for Advanced Study. He annotated this manuscript for publication. (From the institute’s Box 35, File: von Neumann, John: Publication of Collected Works.)

Institutions are fragile. They are easier to destroy than build. A few months of Hitler’s policies unraveled two centuries of mathematical progress in Göttingen. That university, and Germany more broadly, never fully recovered. As von Neumann correctly predicted in 1933, “If these boys continue for only two more years (which is unfortunately very probable) they will ruin German science for a generation — at least.”

America benefited hugely from the intellects of displaced mathematicians and scientists 80 years ago. And while America’s scientific institutions are not facing the same sudden existential threat Göttingen did in April 1933, their work and their scholars can still be seriously undercut by anti-science and anti-intellectual policies. It would be a tragic irony if American mathematics and science, which owe much of their status and success to the German prejudices of another era, were brought low by a kindred set of attitudes in this one.

Evelyn Lamb is a writer based in Salt Lake City. She taught mathematics and math history at the college level before leaving academia to pursue writing full time. She was AAAS mass media fellow at Scientific American in 2012 and has written for outlets including Scientific American, Nature News, the Smithsonian Magazine website, and Slate.

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Nothing could be a weirder coincidence than capitalism self-destroying via the genesis of industrialization powered by oil.

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Palestinian Columbia University student Mohsen Mahdawi pleaded with the school for protection for months, and expressed concern about an apparent FBI visit and a possible break-in to his residence before the Trump administration detained him during a citizenship interview this week, emails obtained by Zeteo show.

“I am writing to you with a final plea for urgent help. My life is in danger, and Columbia University’s inaction is putting me at further risk,” Mahdawi, a green card holder, wrote in a March 17 email to then-Columbia President Katrina Armstrong, School of General Studies dean Lisa Rosen-Metsch, Columbia chief operating officer Cas Holloway, senior vice president for Columbia Health Melanie Bernitz, and Columbia dean of religious life Ian Rottenberg.

“On Monday, March 10, 2025, following the detention of Mahmoud Khalil, I sent an urgent email requesting immediate support, as I am being explicitly targeted for deportation, doxxed, and followed. Yet, to this moment, I have received no response from you,” he continued.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.world/post/28537341

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Israel targeted displaced Palestinians in a tent encampment in the Mawasi area of Khan Younis, designated for civilians. Eight children were burned alive and charred beyond recognition alongside six others.

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A movement based on “tech Zionism” seeks to create “The Next America”

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It will take a concerted effort by every sector of our society to respond to Trumpism’s threat.

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Mike from PA explains why we should critically support AOC and Bernie Sanders

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